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Can I be allowed to say, "I told you so?"
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What I still have a hard time understanding is how so many people look at a machine with most of it's functional parts hidden, parts they probably couldn't understand even if they could see them, and don't seem to see that the machine can be used to alter their vote.
And that the probability that the machine will be used to alter their vote only increases with time.
Are people perhaps so incapable of understanding politics and elections that they just don't care?
Or do they fail to understand what it means for multiple eyeballs on the visible process when using paper ballots? Is it that hard?
The paper ballot can be machine countable, that's not a problem.
The purpose of the paper ballot is to leave a record that ordinary people can check if necessary.
Electronic records require some tool between the ordinary person and the ballots, and the tool can be rigged without ordinary people noticing.
Here's how the paper ballot is supposed to work:
You identify yourself to the election officials, who are supposed to look at their voter lists to see if you are in the list of eligible voters for that location. Back in the days of small voting precincts, they probably knew you, and whether you were eligible to vote. If they didn't know you, they were supposed to require some sort of identification.
If you were properly identified as eligible to vote, they gave you a ballot.
Typically the ballot came in three parts.
- There would be some sort of cover, so that you could keep the election officials from seeing how you voted.
- There would be the ballot proper, a list of candidates and measures, etc., where you would record your vote.
- The would be a stub attached to the ballot proper, with a serial number.
The cover would be used to protect you from someone trying to coerce or buy your vote.
The serial number would allow the election officials to be sure that they collected every ballot that they handed out, and only ballots they handed out, which helps protect against fraud. That serial number would be noted in the voter record by your name.
So when you hand the covered ballot to the election official, he or she would, without removing the cover or looking inside it, detach the serial number and put the ballot proper in a locked ballot box. The serial number stub would go in a locked stub box.
They are stored separately, again, to prevent your ballot from being identified as your ballot. That's how your vote is kept secret, protecting you from coercion and/or vote-buying.
Election judges from at least the two largest parties must watch the entire process, to be sure that extra ballots don't go in the ballot box, and to be sure that every serial number is from a valid ballot, and that every valid ballot does go in the ballot box.
When you count the ballots, you also count the stubs, to be sure that the counts match. If the counts don't match, something has gone wrong, and the precinct's ballot cannot be trusted.
At this time, most governments do not have a procedure in place for redoing a precinct where the counts don't match, and that is a bit of a problem.
At the end of the voting period, the ballot boxes are unlocked and opened under the watch of election judges from at least the two largest parties, and first the number of ballots and the number of stubs is counted to see if they match. Then, if the ballots are machine readable, the initial count of votes can be done by machine. If not, the initial hand-count proceeds.
The results are recorded, the ballots, stubs, and results are sealed up, again under lock transmitted to the central processing facilities -- still under watch of election judges from at least the two largest parties.
If any minor party sends a qualified judge, that judge must be allowed to observe the process as well. Any objections to the process by an election judge, or by any other observer, must be recorded and transmitted with the counts and initial results.
All objections must be considered by election judges at the central processing location, with the option of disqualifying a precinct's results if too many irregularities, or irregularities of too serious a nature are found.
* When I say judges from at least the two largest parties here, when there are more than two parties with significant presence, this should be understood to include a judge from the largest opposition party.
Keeping the physical ballots and stubs makes a recount meaningful and possible, but only because the process is being observed by election judges from at least the two largest parties, in other words, from two parties which will not naturally be in collusion with each other.
That's four requirements:
- Physical ballots and detached stubs that can be observed, ascertained, and counted by a person with ordinary skill,
- Voting processes that can be observed and ascertained by election judges with ordinary skill without violating the private process of the voter selecting from the options on the ballot,
- Verifiable storage of the ballots, stubs, and whatever count results have been obtained to that point,
- The observation of election judges from a party not in coalition with the party in majority in each precinct.
If those requirements are not met, the balloting cannot be trusted by the people casting the ballots, and the entire process becomes meaningless, except as election theatre put on by the ruling party or ruling coalition.
Mechanical voting machines never really met the requirement that the process be observable and verifiable by persons with ordinary skill.
Punched-hole ballots clearly did not meet the verifiable process and storage requirements, witness the hanging chads problem in Florida in the 2000 election.
Electronic balloting machines clearly do not meet any of the four above requirements.
Arguments such as "It's good enough for ATMs!" are specious. We all now know that ATMs aren't really secure.
But more importantly, money can be replaced. Votes cannot.
Election theatre, I should note, is a process in opposition to government that acknowledges that its right to rule is derived from the consent of the governed.
One thing that I think is missing in most elections processes I've seen so far is the option to require a precinct to rerun the vote on a later day. In the past, when ballots were transmitted by horse over hundreds of miles, rerunning a local vote was not considered feasible. Only complete run-off elections were considered workable and necessary.
But that's not a case any more, really -- and hasn't been for as long as I've been old enough to be an election judge.
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I had wanted to add some thoughts on assisted voting, mail-in voting, and ex-patriate voting, and now we have the machines themselves throwing a hissy fit. Can't get more any more irony in reality than this. (Well, we can, but I'm pretty sure we don't want to.)
Mail-in voting and assisted voting have a lot in common, and illuminate problems for people such as myself who reside long-term outside the United States. (Ergo, ex-patriates, most of whom are very much patriots, and I hope people understand the difference.)
I'm inclined to think of assisted voting and mail-in voting as two variations on the same problem.
You can't get to the voting place on the day of voting, or you have unreasonable difficulty in reading and filling in the ballot or in getting the completed ballot safely into the ballot box.
Difficulty should not be an argument.
Freedom requires overcoming difficulties to stay free in the political sense of able to exercise your own responsibilities.
Freedom without friction is the freedom to be unable to move, because motion itself requires friction. This is true of physics and it is true of psychology, and it is true of chemistry, and it is true of social interaction, and it is true of politics.
To what degree are difficulties reasonable?
Some examples:
Having to tear a brick wall down while you live in a wheelchair is way too unreasonable. Being blocked by stairs when you can't just get out of the wheelchair and climb the stairs is basically the same problem.
Having to take a little time to read and understand the ballot and struggle to mark the ballot is not unreasonable.
Being faced with a ballot that ordinary people can't read and understand, or with marking requirements or requirements on getting the ballot in the box that ordinary people can't meet is too unreasonable.
Just for the record, voting machinery that fails is a situation that is way too unreasonable, including when scanners fail and prevent the voter from putting the ballot in the box. (This is one reason printing and scanning at the polls is just plain wrong. (And I'm having to rethink whether the votes themselves can be tallied at the polling place, and even whether the boxes should be opened and total ballot count ascertained before transporting.)
Assisted voting must be allowed, but it interferes with or even destroys anonymity.
Therefore, the assistant must be an eligible voter, must assist no more than one person (I'll have to blog about why and how later.) and must record his or her or xeir name, signature, and date with the assisted voter's ballot. This restricts the influence that a single person or party can wield in the results of an election.
Viewed as assisted voting, we can see that mail-in voting must be restricted to cases of real necessity, and not just convenience. To mitigate the potential damage (and the temptation to tamper) of mail-in ballots, we need more careful control of the process of distributing and collecting the ballots.
And, to mitigate the temptation to tamper, we also need an adjustment at the end of the process -- any election in which the percentage difference between the top candidates or options is less than the percentage of voters who used assistance or mail-in ballots must require a run-off election.
If 5% of the vote is mail-in, the winner must win by more than 5%.
If half the vote is mail-in, the idea of the winner being required to win by more than 50% only elucidates the reasons why having half the vote be mail-in is a problem in itself.
Machines to assist voting for people who have trouble handling the ballots is a reasonable solution, but the percentage of people using machines must be added in to the percentage using mail-in ballots in determining the margin that triggers the run-off.
This needs more thinking and more discussing, but I have to go to work.
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